GED Reading Diagnostic Practice Test

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Question 1 of 20

1. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

Even though I have seen the movie countless times, I still laughed when the sheriff throws his mug.

a. laughed when the sheriff throws his mug.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. laugh when the sheriff throws his mug.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. laugh when the sheriff threw his mug.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. laughed whenever the sheriff throws his mug.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. laugh when the sheriff will throw his mug.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 2 of 20

2. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

High school reunions are usually looked forward to by alumni that have worked hard since graduation and now consider themselves successful.

a. High school reunions are usually looked forward to by alumni that have worked hard since graduation and now consider themselves successful.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. High school reunions are usually looked forward to by alumni who have worked hard since graduation and now consider themselves successful.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. Alumni who have worked hard since graduation and now consider themselves successful usually look forward to high school reunions.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. Alumnus that have worked hard since graduation and now consider themselves successful usually look forward to high school reunions.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. High school reunions are usually looked forward to by alumni that have worked hard since graduation and now consider yourselves successful.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 3 of 20

3. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

Yesterday I fell down the stairs and then tried to act like I did so on purpose.

a. Yesterday I fell down the stairs and then
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. Yesterday I fell down the stairs, I
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. I fell down the stairs yesterday, I
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. After I fell down the stairs yesterday; I
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. Falling down the stairs; I
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 4 of 20

4. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

Lockers in schools are often dilapidated, making student’s valuables susceptible to theft.

a. making student’s valuables susceptible to theft
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. which makes student’s valuables susceptible to theft
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. that makes student’s valuables susceptible to theft
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. that makes students’ valuables susceptible to theft
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. making students’ valuables susceptible to theft
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 5 of 20

5. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

Fleeing the horde of zombies on foot, an apparently safe building became visible to the terrified couple.

a. an apparently safe building became visible to the terrified couple.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. the terrified couple spotted a building that looked safe.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. a safe looking building was spotted by the terrified couple.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. the terrified couple's luck changed when they spotted a safe looking building.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. their fear subsided somewhat when the terrified couple would spot a safe looking building.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 6 of 20

6. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

Natural disasters have been increasingly effecting nearly every part of the world in the past decade with catastrophic tornadoes, hurricanes and tsunamis.

a. have been increasingly effecting
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. has been increasingly effecting
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. have been increasingly affecting
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. will be increasingly effecting
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. will be increasingly affecting
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 7 of 20

7. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

For every song that is a hit, it is critical to have a quality “beat” and quality lyrics; however, music companies hire professional producers and song writers.

a. however
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. therefore
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. nevertheless
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. and
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. yet
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 8 of 20

8. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

Firefighters and police officers risk their lives often by stepping into the way of danger physically; therefore, professionals such as doctors and lawyers have an equally significant impact on individuals’ lives medically and legally.

a. therefore
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. but
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. nevertheless
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. as a result
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. and
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect

Question 9 of 20

9. Question

In this passage a Mexican American historian describes a technique she used as part of her research.

	Doña Teodora offered me yet another cup of strong,
	black coffee. The aroma of the big, paper-thin Sonoran
	tortillas filled the small, linoleum-covered kitchen, and I
Line	knew that with the coffee I would receive a buttered tortilla
5	straight from the round, homemade comal (a flat, earthen-
	ware cooking pan) balanced on the gas-burning stove. For
	three days, from ten in the morning until early evening, I
	had been sitting in the same comfortable wooden chair,
	taking cup after cup of black coffee and consuming hot
10	tortillas. Doña Teodora was ninety years old, and although
	she would take occasional breaks from patting, extending,
	and turning over tortillas to let her cat in or out, it appeared
	that I was the only one exhausted at the end of the day. But
	once out, as I went over the notes, filed and organized the
15	tape cassettes, exhilaration would set in. The intellectual
	and emotional excitement I had previously experienced
	when a pertinent document would suddenly appear now
	waned in comparison to the gestures and words, the joy
	and anger doña Teodora offered.

20	She had not written down her thoughts; but the ideas,
	recollections, and images evoked by her lively oral expres-
	sion were jewels for anyone who wanted to know about the
	life of Mexicanas ^* in booming mining towns on both sides
	of the Mexico-United States border in the early twentieth
25	century. She never kept a diary. The thought of writing a
	memoir would have been put aside as presumptuous. But
	all her life doña Teodora had lived amidst the telling and
	retelling of family stories. Genealogies of her own family
	as well as complete and up-to-date information of the
30	marriages, births, and deaths of numerous families that
	made up her community were all well-kept memories.
	These chains of generations were fleshed out with recollec-
	tions of the many events and tribulations of these families.
	Oral history had proven to be a fertile field for my research
35	on the history of Mexicanas.

	My search had begun in libraries and archives—reposi-
	tories of conventional history. The available sources were
	to be found in census reports, church records, directories,
	and other such statistical information. These, however, as
40	important as they are, cannot provide one of the essential
	dimensions of history, the full narrative of the human
	experience that defies quantification and classification. In
	certain social groups this gap can be filled with diaries,
	memoirs, letters, or even reports from others. In the case of
45	Mexicanas in the United States, one of the many devastating
	consequences of defeat and conquest has been that the
	traditional institutions that preserve and transfer culture
	(the documentation of the past) have ignored these personal
	written sources. The letters, writings, and documents of
50	Mexican people have rarely, if ever, been included in
	archives, special collections, or libraries. At best, some
	centers have attempted to collect newspapers published by
	Mexicans, but the effort was started late. The historian who
	tries to reconstruct the past from newspapers is constantly
55	frustrated because, although titles abound, collections are
	scarce and often incomplete.

	Although many hours of previous study and preparation
	had taken me to doña Teodora’s kitchen, I was initially
	unsure of my place. Was I really an insider or were the
60	experiences that had made the lives of my interviewees
	such that, although I could speak Spanish and am Mexicana,
	I was still an outsider?

	I realized, nonetheless, that the richness and depth of the
	spoken word challenges the comforting theories and models
65	of the social sciences. Mexican history challenges social-
	science models derived solely from victorious imperialistic
	experiences.

	Our history cannot be written without new sources.
	These sources will determine which concepts are needed to
70	illuminate and interpret the past, and these concepts will
	emerge from the people themselves. This will permit the
	description of events and structures to assume a culturally
	relevant perspective, thus emphasizing the point of view of
	the Mexican people. The use of theoretical constructs must
75	follow the voices of the people who live the reality, con-
	sciously or not. For too long the experiences of women
	have been studied according to male-oriented sources and
	constructs. These must be questioned. For the history of
	Mexican people, the sources primarily exist in our own
80	worlds. And it is here where we must begin. I often found
	that as the memory awakened, other sources would emerge.
	Boxes of letters, photographs, and even manuscripts and
	diaries would appear. Long-standing assumptions of
	illiteracy were shattered and had to be reexamined. I saw
85	that constant reevaluation became the rule rather than the
	exception. I entered women’s worlds created on the margin
	—not only of Anglo life, but of, and outside of, the lives
	of their own fathers, husbands, sons, brothers, or priests,
	bosses, and bureaucrats.

The author’s comments in the third paragraph (lines 36-56) suggest that her research project resembles more conventional research in its

a. attention to the details of everyday life in certain communities

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. use of written public materials as a starting point

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. adoption of family memories of past events as data

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. reliance on church and state records to test new theories

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. assumption that conventional sources are accurate but incomplete

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect

Question 10 of 20

10. Question

In this passage a Mexican American historian describes a technique she used as part of her research.

	Doña Teodora offered me yet another cup of strong,
	black coffee. The aroma of the big, paper-thin Sonoran
	tortillas filled the small, linoleum-covered kitchen, and I
Line	knew that with the coffee I would receive a buttered tortilla
5	straight from the round, homemade comal (a flat, earthen-
	ware cooking pan) balanced on the gas-burning stove. For
	three days, from ten in the morning until early evening, I
	had been sitting in the same comfortable wooden chair,
	taking cup after cup of black coffee and consuming hot
10	tortillas. Doña Teodora was ninety years old, and although
	she would take occasional breaks from patting, extending,
	and turning over tortillas to let her cat in or out, it appeared
	that I was the only one exhausted at the end of the day. But
	once out, as I went over the notes, filed and organized the
15	tape cassettes, exhilaration would set in. The intellectual
	and emotional excitement I had previously experienced
	when a pertinent document would suddenly appear now
	waned in comparison to the gestures and words, the joy
	and anger doña Teodora offered.

20	She had not written down her thoughts; but the ideas,
	recollections, and images evoked by her lively oral expres-
	sion were jewels for anyone who wanted to know about the
	life of Mexicanas ^* in booming mining towns on both sides
	of the Mexico-United States border in the early twentieth
25	century. She never kept a diary. The thought of writing a
	memoir would have been put aside as presumptuous. But
	all her life doña Teodora had lived amidst the telling and
	retelling of family stories. Genealogies of her own family
	as well as complete and up-to-date information of the
30	marriages, births, and deaths of numerous families that
	made up her community were all well-kept memories.
	These chains of generations were fleshed out with recollec-
	tions of the many events and tribulations of these families.
	Oral history had proven to be a fertile field for my research
35	on the history of Mexicanas.

	My search had begun in libraries and archives—reposi-
	tories of conventional history. The available sources were
	to be found in census reports, church records, directories,
	and other such statistical information. These, however, as
40	important as they are, cannot provide one of the essential
	dimensions of history, the full narrative of the human
	experience that defies quantification and classification. In
	certain social groups this gap can be filled with diaries,
	memoirs, letters, or even reports from others. In the case of
45	Mexicanas in the United States, one of the many devastating
	consequences of defeat and conquest has been that the
	traditional institutions that preserve and transfer culture
	(the documentation of the past) have ignored these personal
	written sources. The letters, writings, and documents of
50	Mexican people have rarely, if ever, been included in
	archives, special collections, or libraries. At best, some
	centers have attempted to collect newspapers published by
	Mexicans, but the effort was started late. The historian who
	tries to reconstruct the past from newspapers is constantly
55	frustrated because, although titles abound, collections are
	scarce and often incomplete.

	Although many hours of previous study and preparation
	had taken me to doña Teodora’s kitchen, I was initially
	unsure of my place. Was I really an insider or were the
60	experiences that had made the lives of my interviewees
	such that, although I could speak Spanish and am Mexicana,
	I was still an outsider?

	I realized, nonetheless, that the richness and depth of the
	spoken word challenges the comforting theories and models
65	of the social sciences. Mexican history challenges social-
	science models derived solely from victorious imperialistic
	experiences.

	Our history cannot be written without new sources.
	These sources will determine which concepts are needed to
70	illuminate and interpret the past, and these concepts will
	emerge from the people themselves. This will permit the
	description of events and structures to assume a culturally
	relevant perspective, thus emphasizing the point of view of
	the Mexican people. The use of theoretical constructs must
75	follow the voices of the people who live the reality, con-
	sciously or not. For too long the experiences of women
	have been studied according to male-oriented sources and
	constructs. These must be questioned. For the history of
	Mexican people, the sources primarily exist in our own
80	worlds. And it is here where we must begin. I often found
	that as the memory awakened, other sources would emerge.
	Boxes of letters, photographs, and even manuscripts and
	diaries would appear. Long-standing assumptions of
	illiteracy were shattered and had to be reexamined. I saw
85	that constant reevaluation became the rule rather than the
	exception. I entered women’s worlds created on the margin
	—not only of Anglo life, but of, and outside of, the lives
	of their own fathers, husbands, sons, brothers, or priests,
	bosses, and bureaucrats.

In what sense are “census reports, church records, directories” (line 38) inadequate?

a. They place too great a reliance on political factors.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. They blur the distinction between the political and the religious realm.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. They are not of sufficient accuracy to be of use to historians.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. They do not tell the human side of the story.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. They are often too difficult to obtain.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect

Question 11 of 20

11. Question

In this passage a Mexican American historian describes a technique she used as part of her research.

	Doña Teodora offered me yet another cup of strong,
	black coffee. The aroma of the big, paper-thin Sonoran
	tortillas filled the small, linoleum-covered kitchen, and I
Line	knew that with the coffee I would receive a buttered tortilla
5	straight from the round, homemade comal (a flat, earthen-
	ware cooking pan) balanced on the gas-burning stove. For
	three days, from ten in the morning until early evening, I
	had been sitting in the same comfortable wooden chair,
	taking cup after cup of black coffee and consuming hot
10	tortillas. Doña Teodora was ninety years old, and although
	she would take occasional breaks from patting, extending,
	and turning over tortillas to let her cat in or out, it appeared
	that I was the only one exhausted at the end of the day. But
	once out, as I went over the notes, filed and organized the
15	tape cassettes, exhilaration would set in. The intellectual
	and emotional excitement I had previously experienced
	when a pertinent document would suddenly appear now
	waned in comparison to the gestures and words, the joy
	and anger doña Teodora offered.

20	She had not written down her thoughts; but the ideas,
	recollections, and images evoked by her lively oral expres-
	sion were jewels for anyone who wanted to know about the
	life of Mexicanas ^* in booming mining towns on both sides
	of the Mexico-United States border in the early twentieth
25	century. She never kept a diary. The thought of writing a
	memoir would have been put aside as presumptuous. But
	all her life doña Teodora had lived amidst the telling and
	retelling of family stories. Genealogies of her own family
	as well as complete and up-to-date information of the
30	marriages, births, and deaths of numerous families that
	made up her community were all well-kept memories.
	These chains of generations were fleshed out with recollec-
	tions of the many events and tribulations of these families.
	Oral history had proven to be a fertile field for my research
35	on the history of Mexicanas.

	My search had begun in libraries and archives—reposi-
	tories of conventional history. The available sources were
	to be found in census reports, church records, directories,
	and other such statistical information. These, however, as
40	important as they are, cannot provide one of the essential
	dimensions of history, the full narrative of the human
	experience that defies quantification and classification. In
	certain social groups this gap can be filled with diaries,
	memoirs, letters, or even reports from others. In the case of
45	Mexicanas in the United States, one of the many devastating
	consequences of defeat and conquest has been that the
	traditional institutions that preserve and transfer culture
	(the documentation of the past) have ignored these personal
	written sources. The letters, writings, and documents of
50	Mexican people have rarely, if ever, been included in
	archives, special collections, or libraries. At best, some
	centers have attempted to collect newspapers published by
	Mexicans, but the effort was started late. The historian who
	tries to reconstruct the past from newspapers is constantly
55	frustrated because, although titles abound, collections are
	scarce and often incomplete.

	Although many hours of previous study and preparation
	had taken me to doña Teodora’s kitchen, I was initially
	unsure of my place. Was I really an insider or were the
60	experiences that had made the lives of my interviewees
	such that, although I could speak Spanish and am Mexicana,
	I was still an outsider?

	I realized, nonetheless, that the richness and depth of the
	spoken word challenges the comforting theories and models
65	of the social sciences. Mexican history challenges social-
	science models derived solely from victorious imperialistic
	experiences.

	Our history cannot be written without new sources.
	These sources will determine which concepts are needed to
70	illuminate and interpret the past, and these concepts will
	emerge from the people themselves. This will permit the
	description of events and structures to assume a culturally
	relevant perspective, thus emphasizing the point of view of
	the Mexican people. The use of theoretical constructs must
75	follow the voices of the people who live the reality, con-
	sciously or not. For too long the experiences of women
	have been studied according to male-oriented sources and
	constructs. These must be questioned. For the history of
	Mexican people, the sources primarily exist in our own
80	worlds. And it is here where we must begin. I often found
	that as the memory awakened, other sources would emerge.
	Boxes of letters, photographs, and even manuscripts and
	diaries would appear. Long-standing assumptions of
	illiteracy were shattered and had to be reexamined. I saw
85	that constant reevaluation became the rule rather than the
	exception. I entered women’s worlds created on the margin
	—not only of Anglo life, but of, and outside of, the lives
	of their own fathers, husbands, sons, brothers, or priests,
	bosses, and bureaucrats.

The “gap” referred to in line 43 can best be described as the distance between the

a. politically motivated view of reality and the personally motivated view of reality

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. abundance of concrete facts and the shortage of scholarly interpretation of them

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. pictures presented by traditional historical sources and by subjective personal accounts

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. information contained in libraries and the information that has been lost

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. story of one person and the history of a nation as a whole

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect

Question 12 of 20

12. Question

In this passage a Mexican American historian describes a technique she used as part of her research.

	Doña Teodora offered me yet another cup of strong,
	black coffee. The aroma of the big, paper-thin Sonoran
	tortillas filled the small, linoleum-covered kitchen, and I
Line	knew that with the coffee I would receive a buttered tortilla
5	straight from the round, homemade comal (a flat, earthen-
	ware cooking pan) balanced on the gas-burning stove. For
	three days, from ten in the morning until early evening, I
	had been sitting in the same comfortable wooden chair,
	taking cup after cup of black coffee and consuming hot
10	tortillas. Doña Teodora was ninety years old, and although
	she would take occasional breaks from patting, extending,
	and turning over tortillas to let her cat in or out, it appeared
	that I was the only one exhausted at the end of the day. But
	once out, as I went over the notes, filed and organized the
15	tape cassettes, exhilaration would set in. The intellectual
	and emotional excitement I had previously experienced
	when a pertinent document would suddenly appear now
	waned in comparison to the gestures and words, the joy
	and anger doña Teodora offered.

20	She had not written down her thoughts; but the ideas,
	recollections, and images evoked by her lively oral expres-
	sion were jewels for anyone who wanted to know about the
	life of Mexicanas ^* in booming mining towns on both sides
	of the Mexico-United States border in the early twentieth
25	century. She never kept a diary. The thought of writing a
	memoir would have been put aside as presumptuous. But
	all her life doña Teodora had lived amidst the telling and
	retelling of family stories. Genealogies of her own family
	as well as complete and up-to-date information of the
30	marriages, births, and deaths of numerous families that
	made up her community were all well-kept memories.
	These chains of generations were fleshed out with recollec-
	tions of the many events and tribulations of these families.
	Oral history had proven to be a fertile field for my research
35	on the history of Mexicanas.

	My search had begun in libraries and archives—reposi-
	tories of conventional history. The available sources were
	to be found in census reports, church records, directories,
	and other such statistical information. These, however, as
40	important as they are, cannot provide one of the essential
	dimensions of history, the full narrative of the human
	experience that defies quantification and classification. In
	certain social groups this gap can be filled with diaries,
	memoirs, letters, or even reports from others. In the case of
45	Mexicanas in the United States, one of the many devastating
	consequences of defeat and conquest has been that the
	traditional institutions that preserve and transfer culture
	(the documentation of the past) have ignored these personal
	written sources. The letters, writings, and documents of
50	Mexican people have rarely, if ever, been included in
	archives, special collections, or libraries. At best, some
	centers have attempted to collect newspapers published by
	Mexicans, but the effort was started late. The historian who
	tries to reconstruct the past from newspapers is constantly
55	frustrated because, although titles abound, collections are
	scarce and often incomplete.

	Although many hours of previous study and preparation
	had taken me to doña Teodora’s kitchen, I was initially
	unsure of my place. Was I really an insider or were the
60	experiences that had made the lives of my interviewees
	such that, although I could speak Spanish and am Mexicana,
	I was still an outsider?

	I realized, nonetheless, that the richness and depth of the
	spoken word challenges the comforting theories and models
65	of the social sciences. Mexican history challenges social-
	science models derived solely from victorious imperialistic
	experiences.

	Our history cannot be written without new sources.
	These sources will determine which concepts are needed to
70	illuminate and interpret the past, and these concepts will
	emerge from the people themselves. This will permit the
	description of events and structures to assume a culturally
	relevant perspective, thus emphasizing the point of view of
	the Mexican people. The use of theoretical constructs must
75	follow the voices of the people who live the reality, con-
	sciously or not. For too long the experiences of women
	have been studied according to male-oriented sources and
	constructs. These must be questioned. For the history of
	Mexican people, the sources primarily exist in our own
80	worlds. And it is here where we must begin. I often found
	that as the memory awakened, other sources would emerge.
	Boxes of letters, photographs, and even manuscripts and
	diaries would appear. Long-standing assumptions of
	illiteracy were shattered and had to be reexamined. I saw
85	that constant reevaluation became the rule rather than the
	exception. I entered women’s worlds created on the margin
	—not only of Anglo life, but of, and outside of, the lives
	of their own fathers, husbands, sons, brothers, or priests,
	bosses, and bureaucrats.

In line 59, “place” most nearly means

a. home

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. duty

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. role

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. appropriate moment

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. geographical location

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect

Question 13 of 20

13. Question

In this passage a Mexican American historian describes a technique she used as part of her research.

	Doña Teodora offered me yet another cup of strong,
	black coffee. The aroma of the big, paper-thin Sonoran
	tortillas filled the small, linoleum-covered kitchen, and I
Line	knew that with the coffee I would receive a buttered tortilla
5	straight from the round, homemade comal (a flat, earthen-
	ware cooking pan) balanced on the gas-burning stove. For
	three days, from ten in the morning until early evening, I
	had been sitting in the same comfortable wooden chair,
	taking cup after cup of black coffee and consuming hot
10	tortillas. Doña Teodora was ninety years old, and although
	she would take occasional breaks from patting, extending,
	and turning over tortillas to let her cat in or out, it appeared
	that I was the only one exhausted at the end of the day. But
	once out, as I went over the notes, filed and organized the
15	tape cassettes, exhilaration would set in. The intellectual
	and emotional excitement I had previously experienced
	when a pertinent document would suddenly appear now
	waned in comparison to the gestures and words, the joy
	and anger doña Teodora offered.

20	She had not written down her thoughts; but the ideas,
	recollections, and images evoked by her lively oral expres-
	sion were jewels for anyone who wanted to know about the
	life of Mexicanas ^* in booming mining towns on both sides
	of the Mexico-United States border in the early twentieth
25	century. She never kept a diary. The thought of writing a
	memoir would have been put aside as presumptuous. But
	all her life doña Teodora had lived amidst the telling and
	retelling of family stories. Genealogies of her own family
	as well as complete and up-to-date information of the
30	marriages, births, and deaths of numerous families that
	made up her community were all well-kept memories.
	These chains of generations were fleshed out with recollec-
	tions of the many events and tribulations of these families.
	Oral history had proven to be a fertile field for my research
35	on the history of Mexicanas.

	My search had begun in libraries and archives—reposi-
	tories of conventional history. The available sources were
	to be found in census reports, church records, directories,
	and other such statistical information. These, however, as
40	important as they are, cannot provide one of the essential
	dimensions of history, the full narrative of the human
	experience that defies quantification and classification. In
	certain social groups this gap can be filled with diaries,
	memoirs, letters, or even reports from others. In the case of
45	Mexicanas in the United States, one of the many devastating
	consequences of defeat and conquest has been that the
	traditional institutions that preserve and transfer culture
	(the documentation of the past) have ignored these personal
	written sources. The letters, writings, and documents of
50	Mexican people have rarely, if ever, been included in
	archives, special collections, or libraries. At best, some
	centers have attempted to collect newspapers published by
	Mexicans, but the effort was started late. The historian who
	tries to reconstruct the past from newspapers is constantly
55	frustrated because, although titles abound, collections are
	scarce and often incomplete.

	Although many hours of previous study and preparation
	had taken me to doña Teodora’s kitchen, I was initially
	unsure of my place. Was I really an insider or were the
60	experiences that had made the lives of my interviewees
	such that, although I could speak Spanish and am Mexicana,
	I was still an outsider?

	I realized, nonetheless, that the richness and depth of the
	spoken word challenges the comforting theories and models
65	of the social sciences. Mexican history challenges social-
	science models derived solely from victorious imperialistic
	experiences.

	Our history cannot be written without new sources.
	These sources will determine which concepts are needed to
70	illuminate and interpret the past, and these concepts will
	emerge from the people themselves. This will permit the
	description of events and structures to assume a culturally
	relevant perspective, thus emphasizing the point of view of
	the Mexican people. The use of theoretical constructs must
75	follow the voices of the people who live the reality, con-
	sciously or not. For too long the experiences of women
	have been studied according to male-oriented sources and
	constructs. These must be questioned. For the history of
	Mexican people, the sources primarily exist in our own
80	worlds. And it is here where we must begin. I often found
	that as the memory awakened, other sources would emerge.
	Boxes of letters, photographs, and even manuscripts and
	diaries would appear. Long-standing assumptions of
	illiteracy were shattered and had to be reexamined. I saw
85	that constant reevaluation became the rule rather than the
	exception. I entered women’s worlds created on the margin
	—not only of Anglo life, but of, and outside of, the lives
	of their own fathers, husbands, sons, brothers, or priests,
	bosses, and bureaucrats.

What is the effect of the question in lines 59-62?

a. It suggests that sharing ethnicity and language might not be enough to make one an insider.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. It eliminates the distinction between insider and outsider.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. It refutes the claim that being an outsider is an important criterion for doing research.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. It suggests that only those with an outsider's perspective can see things objectively.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. It suggests that human sympathy is more important than ethnicity or language.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect

Question 14 of 20

14. Question

In this passage a Mexican American historian describes a technique she used as part of her research.

	Doña Teodora offered me yet another cup of strong,
	black coffee. The aroma of the big, paper-thin Sonoran
	tortillas filled the small, linoleum-covered kitchen, and I
Line	knew that with the coffee I would receive a buttered tortilla
5	straight from the round, homemade comal (a flat, earthen-
	ware cooking pan) balanced on the gas-burning stove. For
	three days, from ten in the morning until early evening, I
	had been sitting in the same comfortable wooden chair,
	taking cup after cup of black coffee and consuming hot
10	tortillas. Doña Teodora was ninety years old, and although
	she would take occasional breaks from patting, extending,
	and turning over tortillas to let her cat in or out, it appeared
	that I was the only one exhausted at the end of the day. But
	once out, as I went over the notes, filed and organized the
15	tape cassettes, exhilaration would set in. The intellectual
	and emotional excitement I had previously experienced
	when a pertinent document would suddenly appear now
	waned in comparison to the gestures and words, the joy
	and anger doña Teodora offered.

20	She had not written down her thoughts; but the ideas,
	recollections, and images evoked by her lively oral expres-
	sion were jewels for anyone who wanted to know about the
	life of Mexicanas ^* in booming mining towns on both sides
	of the Mexico-United States border in the early twentieth
25	century. She never kept a diary. The thought of writing a
	memoir would have been put aside as presumptuous. But
	all her life doña Teodora had lived amidst the telling and
	retelling of family stories. Genealogies of her own family
	as well as complete and up-to-date information of the
30	marriages, births, and deaths of numerous families that
	made up her community were all well-kept memories.
	These chains of generations were fleshed out with recollec-
	tions of the many events and tribulations of these families.
	Oral history had proven to be a fertile field for my research
35	on the history of Mexicanas.

	My search had begun in libraries and archives—reposi-
	tories of conventional history. The available sources were
	to be found in census reports, church records, directories,
	and other such statistical information. These, however, as
40	important as they are, cannot provide one of the essential
	dimensions of history, the full narrative of the human
	experience that defies quantification and classification. In
	certain social groups this gap can be filled with diaries,
	memoirs, letters, or even reports from others. In the case of
45	Mexicanas in the United States, one of the many devastating
	consequences of defeat and conquest has been that the
	traditional institutions that preserve and transfer culture
	(the documentation of the past) have ignored these personal
	written sources. The letters, writings, and documents of
50	Mexican people have rarely, if ever, been included in
	archives, special collections, or libraries. At best, some
	centers have attempted to collect newspapers published by
	Mexicans, but the effort was started late. The historian who
	tries to reconstruct the past from newspapers is constantly
55	frustrated because, although titles abound, collections are
	scarce and often incomplete.

	Although many hours of previous study and preparation
	had taken me to doña Teodora’s kitchen, I was initially
	unsure of my place. Was I really an insider or were the
60	experiences that had made the lives of my interviewees
	such that, although I could speak Spanish and am Mexicana,
	I was still an outsider?

	I realized, nonetheless, that the richness and depth of the
	spoken word challenges the comforting theories and models
65	of the social sciences. Mexican history challenges social-
	science models derived solely from victorious imperialistic
	experiences.

	Our history cannot be written without new sources.
	These sources will determine which concepts are needed to
70	illuminate and interpret the past, and these concepts will
	emerge from the people themselves. This will permit the
	description of events and structures to assume a culturally
	relevant perspective, thus emphasizing the point of view of
	the Mexican people. The use of theoretical constructs must
75	follow the voices of the people who live the reality, con-
	sciously or not. For too long the experiences of women
	have been studied according to male-oriented sources and
	constructs. These must be questioned. For the history of
	Mexican people, the sources primarily exist in our own
80	worlds. And it is here where we must begin. I often found
	that as the memory awakened, other sources would emerge.
	Boxes of letters, photographs, and even manuscripts and
	diaries would appear. Long-standing assumptions of
	illiteracy were shattered and had to be reexamined. I saw
85	that constant reevaluation became the rule rather than the
	exception. I entered women’s worlds created on the margin
	—not only of Anglo life, but of, and outside of, the lives
	of their own fathers, husbands, sons, brothers, or priests,
	bosses, and bureaucrats.

Which statement most accurately presents the author’s sense of the relationship between the “spoken word” (line 64) and the “theories and models of the social sciences” (lines 64-65)?

a. Theories and models must come first in order to make sense of the spoken word.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. The spoken word makes general theories and models unnecessary.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. Theories and models cannot account for quantitative data as well as the spoken word can.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. The spoken word is more likely to introduce errors into the historical record than are theories and models.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. The spoken word can yield greater insight than presently accepted theories and models can.

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect

Question 15 of 20

15. Question

In this passage a Mexican American historian describes a technique she used as part of her research.

	Doña Teodora offered me yet another cup of strong,
	black coffee. The aroma of the big, paper-thin Sonoran
	tortillas filled the small, linoleum-covered kitchen, and I
Line	knew that with the coffee I would receive a buttered tortilla
5	straight from the round, homemade comal (a flat, earthen-
	ware cooking pan) balanced on the gas-burning stove. For
	three days, from ten in the morning until early evening, I
	had been sitting in the same comfortable wooden chair,
	taking cup after cup of black coffee and consuming hot
10	tortillas. Doña Teodora was ninety years old, and although
	she would take occasional breaks from patting, extending,
	and turning over tortillas to let her cat in or out, it appeared
	that I was the only one exhausted at the end of the day. But
	once out, as I went over the notes, filed and organized the
15	tape cassettes, exhilaration would set in. The intellectual
	and emotional excitement I had previously experienced
	when a pertinent document would suddenly appear now
	waned in comparison to the gestures and words, the joy
	and anger doña Teodora offered.

20	She had not written down her thoughts; but the ideas,
	recollections, and images evoked by her lively oral expres-
	sion were jewels for anyone who wanted to know about the
	life of Mexicanas ^* in booming mining towns on both sides
	of the Mexico-United States border in the early twentieth
25	century. She never kept a diary. The thought of writing a
	memoir would have been put aside as presumptuous. But
	all her life doña Teodora had lived amidst the telling and
	retelling of family stories. Genealogies of her own family
	as well as complete and up-to-date information of the
30	marriages, births, and deaths of numerous families that
	made up her community were all well-kept memories.
	These chains of generations were fleshed out with recollec-
	tions of the many events and tribulations of these families.
	Oral history had proven to be a fertile field for my research
35	on the history of Mexicanas.

	My search had begun in libraries and archives—reposi-
	tories of conventional history. The available sources were
	to be found in census reports, church records, directories,
	and other such statistical information. These, however, as
40	important as they are, cannot provide one of the essential
	dimensions of history, the full narrative of the human
	experience that defies quantification and classification. In
	certain social groups this gap can be filled with diaries,
	memoirs, letters, or even reports from others. In the case of
45	Mexicanas in the United States, one of the many devastating
	consequences of defeat and conquest has been that the
	traditional institutions that preserve and transfer culture
	(the documentation of the past) have ignored these personal
	written sources. The letters, writings, and documents of
50	Mexican people have rarely, if ever, been included in
	archives, special collections, or libraries. At best, some
	centers have attempted to collect newspapers published by
	Mexicans, but the effort was started late. The historian who
	tries to reconstruct the past from newspapers is constantly
55	frustrated because, although titles abound, collections are
	scarce and often incomplete.

	Although many hours of previous study and preparation
	had taken me to doña Teodora’s kitchen, I was initially
	unsure of my place. Was I really an insider or were the
60	experiences that had made the lives of my interviewees
	such that, although I could speak Spanish and am Mexicana,
	I was still an outsider?

	I realized, nonetheless, that the richness and depth of the
	spoken word challenges the comforting theories and models
65	of the social sciences. Mexican history challenges social-
	science models derived solely from victorious imperialistic
	experiences.

	Our history cannot be written without new sources.
	These sources will determine which concepts are needed to
70	illuminate and interpret the past, and these concepts will
	emerge from the people themselves. This will permit the
	description of events and structures to assume a culturally
	relevant perspective, thus emphasizing the point of view of
	the Mexican people. The use of theoretical constructs must
75	follow the voices of the people who live the reality, con-
	sciously or not. For too long the experiences of women
	have been studied according to male-oriented sources and
	constructs. These must be questioned. For the history of
	Mexican people, the sources primarily exist in our own
80	worlds. And it is here where we must begin. I often found
	that as the memory awakened, other sources would emerge.
	Boxes of letters, photographs, and even manuscripts and
	diaries would appear. Long-standing assumptions of
	illiteracy were shattered and had to be reexamined. I saw
85	that constant reevaluation became the rule rather than the
	exception. I entered women’s worlds created on the margin
	—not only of Anglo life, but of, and outside of, the lives
	of their own fathers, husbands, sons, brothers, or priests,
	bosses, and bureaucrats.

The author indicates that the “concepts” mentioned in lines 69-70 originate in

a. informal records and information provided by ordinary people

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. comments of senior members of a community on the ways the community has functioned

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. patterns of social behavior that have been exhibited by previously studied cultures

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. personal experiences of historians who have interviewed many people

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. systematic categories devised by historians for various types of sources

Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect

Question 16 of 20

16. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

In many cultures they consider fish eggs a delicacy.

a. In many cultures they consider fish eggs a delicacy.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. In many cultures fish eggs are considered a delicacy.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. In many cultures a delicacy is considered to be fish eggs.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. Fish eggs, a delicacy in many cultures.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. They consider fish eggs to be a delicacy in many cultures.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 17 of 20

17. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

Sports are a significant part of life for people all across the world, as was demonstrated in 2006 when billions of people came together to be involved with the World Cup either through playing, watching or thru advertising.

a. World Cup either through playing, watching or thru advertising.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. world cup either through playing, watching or thru advertising.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. World Cup either through playing, watching or through advertising.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. World Cup either through playing, watching or advertising.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. World Cup either through playing, watching or advertising for it.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 18 of 20

18. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

The argument between Paarin and me about the dent in his car continued until the early morning.

a. between Paarin and me about the dent in his car continued
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. between Paarin and I about the dent in his car continued
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. about the dent in his car continued for Paarin and I
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. on the dent in his car between Paarin and me continued
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. between Paarin and I on the dent in his car continued
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 19 of 20

19. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

During the summer many students go away to summer camps that teach them skills about camaraderie, perseverance and integrity.

a. summer many students go away to summer camps that teach them skills about camaraderie, perseverance and integrity.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. Summer many students go away to summer camps that teach them skills about camaraderie, perseverance and integrity.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. summer many students go away to camps that teach them skills about camaraderie, perseverance and integrity.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. summer many students go away to summer camps that teach them skills about camaraderie, perseverance and maintaining integrity.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. Summer many students go away to camps that teach them skills about camaraderie, perseverance and integrity.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect
Question 20 of 20

20. Question

Determine whether the underlined portion of the sentence below is correct or whether it needs to be revised.

A consummate gentleman, Stefan’s etiquette and social grace was unmatched.

a. Stefan's etiquette and social grace was unmatched.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

b. Stefan's etiquette and social grace were unmatched.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

c. Stefan's etiquette as well as his social grace were unmatched.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

d. Stefan possessed unmatched etiquette and social grace.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

e. Stefan's social grace was matched only by his etiquette.
Correct Incorrect Correct answer

Correct

Incorrect

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